Elites, Exclusion
and the Modern Ideal
Both Schivelbusch
and Benjamin discuss Haussmann’s restructuring of Paris. In The Arcades
Project (1927-1940), a polyphonic montage of historical voices, Walter
Benjamin illuminates the controversy that never ceased to exist about urban
planner Georges-Eugène Haussmann (1809-1891). Critical voices underline how the
urban planner destroyed many historical buildings in order to rip his linear,
grand avenues through Paris; thereby erecting an abundance of monuments wrapped
in a fake neoclassic cover; turning Paris into “the true Babylon, the true
arena of intellectual battle, the true temple where evil has its cult and its
priesthood; and I am sure that the breath of the archangel of shadows passes
over you eternally, like the winds over the infinity of the seas" (142).
Haussmann himself would agree that he indeed brought a fresh breeze into the
congested, smelly Paris. While several voices critique Haussmann for supporting
social injustice in order to maintain the rule of the bourgeoisie, and for
turning into Paris into a cosmopolitan Moloch full of bastard architecture in
which no one feels home anymore, Benjamin places a “plea for Haussmann” (148)
by Fritz Stahl at the end of his chapter about the ‘Haussmannization’. Stahl
argues that Haussmann has completed the work of Louis XIV, that he made Paris
complete — even due to the fact that he had to sacrifice a lot of beauty. Stahl
(and Benjamin too?) admits that Haussmann’s work was the work of a fanatic, but
a task of this scope could only have been fulfilled by a fanatic.
As Tenorio-Trillo
reports, the Mexican centennial represented an attempt to follow Haussmannian
and modernist ideals. Leading up to the 1910 centennial of Mexico’s 1810
declaration of independence, elite-driven fervor over ‘modernity’ and the
making of Mexico City into a world-class, cosmopolitan capital (as envisioned
by elites) drove heavy-handed attempts at top-down change. Responding to the
ideal of capitalist consumption, attempts were made to reduce contentment with
simple things and create demand for elaborate, disposable goods. In the modern
city, it conditions must be set “so that para vivir tenga que trabajar” (17).
Modern hygienic ideals translated into racist eradication of brown and
indigenous bodies from the public square, or their commutation into camouflaged
spaces. In its physicality, the "modern" city was supposed to reflect
its history — following Haussmann, official histories were inscribed into
streets, buildings, and ubiquitous monuments. The seeming finality of elite
triumph came, ironically, via the revolution which attempted to overthrow the
elites. The success of the revolutionaries transformed them into the new
elites. Eleven years after the first centennial, in 1921, the revolutionaries
threw their own centennial of the end of the war of independence in 1821.
Although “what 1921 celebrated was not 1821, but the assumed triumph over what
the 1910 celebration meant” (38), the new regime almost immediately echoed the
old regime, driven by modernist-extractivist ideals and toasting their success
“with champagne and with glasses and plates from the Hapsburg emperor” (39).
In echoes of the
cosmopolitan centennial ideals chronicled by Tenorio-Trillo, Merodio explores
the metropolization of Mexico City as an elite space within Mexico. Merodio
argues that modern technological innovation changed the territorial mapping of
political, administrative institutions in Mexico. The geographic centrality of
the Distrito Federal within the country coupled with
capitalist-extractivist-accumulatory ideology drove its metropolization.
The Urban
Condition
In his seminal
essay “The Metropolis and Mental Life” (1902) Georg Simmel stages the spectacle
of the growing modern metropolis as a threat to the psychological stability of
the human being confronting it. "The deepest problems of modern life
derive from the claim of the individual to preserve the autonomy and
individuality of his existence in the face of overwhelming social forces, of
historical heritage, of external culture, and of the technique of life"
(130). Thereby he reads the technological and scientific progress of humanity
as a two sided sword that on the one hand liberated humanity from historical
bonds within the state, religion, morals, and also in economics, but on the
other hand forces the individual to specialize his professional skills in order
to stay valuable for the market and thus to becomes dependent on the skills of
others, because specialization does not allow the subsistence of the
individual. This again is a threat to the individual personality: “"Here
in buildings and educational institutions, in the wonders and comforts of
space-conquering technology, in the formations of community life, and in the
visible institutions of the state, is offered such an overwhelming fullness of
crystallized and impersonalized spirit that the personality […] cannot maintain
itself under its impact” (134). In order not to drown (atrophy) in the
stream of masses within the metropolis, he has to exaggerate his individuality
(hypertrophy) to maintain his ‘personal core’. The blasé attitude is
born.
As an equal
incision into the human psyche (and life) Wolfgang Schivelbusch assigns to the
spread of the railway in the 19th century, as he
argues in his work The Railway Journey (1977). For him the railway
infrastructure equals an annihilation of space and time that made the world
shrink. The process of shrinking is accompanied by an oppositional process, the
growth of the metropolis into (almost) infinite size, by incorporating the
whole nation into its framework of infrastructure. Those changes lead to a
general rootlessness, e.g. local products lose their aura of naturalness, since
the new mobility provided by the rail tracks makes products that were
originally only available in a certain region now to have everywhere easily.
Further on he argues, as much as the railroad has increased speed and capacity
of travelling, the new architectural materials of glass and iron have increased
the capacity of buildings. His close analysis of the train station stages it as
a space that brings together two totally different worlds: the space of the
metropolis and the space of the journey, which with urban development became
equally noisy. The reason for that noise is the ideal of circulation that he
sees as the fundamental principle of modernity. Everything that circulated,
esp. traffic, was seen as vital; everything that did not was seen as archaic
and diseased. "The notion that communication, exchange, motion bring to
humanity enlightenment and progress, and that isolation and disconnection are
the obstacles to be overcome on this course, is as old as the modern age”
(197).
Symbols and
Identity
Guajardo and
Riguzzi follow a modernist, (neo)liberal perspective in presenting the history
of railroads in Mexico. The railroads brought modern infrastructure and the
rigors of clocked time, without serving most towns. Yet despite their limited
geographic coverage, they became a symbol of a public service and a connector
of Mexicanness. They were used by revolutionaries in the war and by
nationalists after the revolution to further their ideals of Mexicanness. With
the neoliberal turn, the unions lost power, layoffs ensued and the railroads
were privatized, much, it would seem, to the delight of Guajardo and Riguzzi.
The decline of the importance of the railroads in providing public service,
supporting working-class jobs, advancing modern progress and as a part of
Mexican modern identity has erased their symbology. Yet the salience of the
train symbol survives, perhaps, in the Metro of the Distrito Federal.
In a literary-oriented
approach to Mexico City as a (hardly) describable city, Villoro also suggests
to view the infrastructures, and in particular the metro, as a key to decipher
the complexity inherent to modern cities. The author writes: “no place defines
such a city as appropriately as the metro” (128), and identifies this
infrastructure, intertwined with presence of “Lions”, as central to modernity
of the city. These two strong, connected symbols, the metro and “the Lions”
(“Hic Sunt Leones”), both represent the unknown (and in the same time the
connection of present times to a buried past), the margins, and modernity. The
Metro is also a 'symbolic' way to compensate the failure of revolutions, both
in Stalin's USSR and in DF (Metro and Revolution happen almost in the same
time) as an expression of the 'national greatness'. Finally, an interesting
notion of social justice is highlighted by the sentence: “two axes of Mexican
life intersect underground : a rhetorical recuperation of the past and a
functional racism” (131).
Freeman recounts
the story of "Los hijos de la Ford"—the “sons” of the Ford
corporation, i.e., its cars. Freeman’s audacity (or else naïveté)—in referring
to pollution-machines currently driving both local health crises and global
ecological destruction, that kill one million people annually in crashes and
that have created arbitrary and devastating social, political and economic
inequality, as personified, sympathetic “sons”—is a direct reflection of the
extent to which these machines have become a symbol of something other than
themselves, and a part of our collective affective identity. As Freeman
explains, when cars first appeared in Mexico, nearly all citizens detested them
because they were dangerous, loud, and stinky. While some wealthy elites enjoyed
driving the early death-machines, others hated cars because they contributed to
disorder, in contravention of modern ideals. In contrast to the success of
elite domination in other instances, it was only once Fords became cheaply
available and purchased by working people that they became accepted in the
city. Yet the disorder and unhygienic pollution they apported were not their
only contradictions to the modern project: the Mexican modern ideal required
the country to reach to its indigenous, rural roots, while the auto represented
urban American technology and logic. This conflict was later resolved through
the cognitively dissonant process of the auto becoming idolized as a way for
citydwellers to explore rural areas and observe peasants and Indians people
like so many animals in a zoo. Eventually, the rationality behind this entire
set of auto-oriented phenomena became clear, as the government and big business
embraced and promoted the car in keeping with globalized modernity and
(neo)liberal extraction and accumulation.
It is very interesting how you compare the “Modern hygienic ideals” of Tenorio-Trillo with the Haussmann’s restructuration of Paris. Certainly, as you suggested, both projects pretended the re-appropriation of public spaces by eradicating people (“indigenous bodies”) and buildings from the urban landscape. Tenorio-Trillo and Haussmann’s dreams rests in the utopia of the social sterilization, where certain groups has to be “removed” in order to make possible the purification of the space. Furthermore, this aseptic vision represents also the action over the urban rhythm, which controls and regulates the internal speed and practices of the city (the beat of a mechanized society). However, as Villoro and Freeman’s essays imply, those hygienic ideals become more a disproportionate reality, where a subculture of the subway and the car determined the tempo of a growing metropolis. In this sense, the uncontrollable forces of the metro and the ruletero (car driver) shaped in a certain way the urban rhythm of Mexico City.
ReplyDeleteThese readings call for a careful consideration of the history of technology. Rather than applying the values we have regarding modernization on the past, I think we could get further trying to understand what folks in these diverse contexts thought of technological change and the opportunities it produced. Here Freeman provides a helpful intervention: rather than conceiving the automobile as either an American import/imposition or a signifier of Mexico inhabiting a singular, universalized modernity, Freeman instead imagines the mass adoption of automobility as a moment of Mexico asserting its own localized modernity. Technology then is not merely a conduit for Americanization or Western modernization. Innovation belongs to all humanity, not just the groups that introduced these changes or tried to impose them elsewhere.
ReplyDeleteJuan Villoro like Francisco Goldman mentions the Guía Roji as an useless tool in a city where a plentiful of street names are or are almost the same. Taxi drivers don’t even use it. Instead they expect you to tell them how to get there. Mexico City is like living in a labyrinth, an unexplainable city where people have learned to love it and live in it like the worst is over. If the city is chaotic already how is the underground city then? Something interesting happens when people ride the subway. People ride in silence, isolated from the outside world: “The experience ranges from hypnosis to trance, via mere stupor” (254).
ReplyDeleteThinking about the subway, and following Maria Teresa's comment, I think it opens up an argument about who has the rights to the city. Back in the day, the subway was primarily for the middle class that had to move across the city for work. Nowadays, the majority of the subway riders are working class. It also reminds me of the now very popular "micros/peceros", cheaper and more convenient options and also heavily used by the working class. Who are those who get to enjoy city, then? Who are those who remain underground? Is Mexico City just a space where the main goal is to get from point A to point B?
ReplyDeleteThe subway as a box, outside of the city from which one emerges, reminds me of the Neil Goldberg's emergence film. Underground infrastructure as a detached space that overlays the city itself in the same way that freeways detach Banham from the neighborhood scale. And yet, these transportation systems, detached as they are have driven much of the modernization of cities. Whether its the need to tell time from one place to another or freeways cutting through neighborhoods, traffic infrastructure has a deep impact on the structure of space. How can the differentiation of movement and progress be better tied into the environment and community? What would an emergent infrastructure system look like?
ReplyDeleteThe advancements in travel, such as the subway and automobile that many of you are discussing, is also fascinating when thinking about the cultural context of Mexico throughout this time period. The overall speed of life dramatically increased with the introduction of these infrastructural systems. In "The Metropolis and Mental Life," Georg Simmel explores how the dramatic increase in stimuli caused by the faster pace of life creates an "urban blase" effect. When considering the expedited rate of change caused by Mexican Modernity as well as the political events, the impact on culture and identity must only be intensified.
ReplyDelete